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AI Won’t Make Our Minds Useless According to 400 Years of History

259 段 · 1 位说话人 · 原片 26:37
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全世界的人都在担心AI。

Around the world, people are worried about AI.

不只是因为它可能被用来攻击我们的系统,甚至不只是因为它可能抢走我们的工作,而是因为当我们长期以来认为独一无二的智能变得随处可见时,我们会担心这对自己意味着什么。

Not just because it might be used to hack our systems, not even just because it might take our jobs, but instead because by making this intelligence that we've long felt unique to us abundant, we worry about what it means for our own relevance.

事实上,这不是我们第一次面对这些问题。四百年的经济史告诉我们,可能发生的其实是另一种结果,而且是很美好的结果。

This is not, in fact, the first time that we've dealt with these issues, and 400 years of economic history suggests that something different, and in fact quite wonderful, might happen instead.

AI Daily Brief是一个每日播客和视频节目,专门讨论AI领域最重要的新闻和话题。

The AI Daily Brief is a daily podcast and video about the most important news and discussions in AI.
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欢迎回到AI Daily Brief。

Welcome back to the AI Daily Brief.

今天这期节目非常有意思。

Today we have a cool one for you.

Long Read Sunday最初的构想,是把当周我找到的与AI相关的最有趣的大想法分享出来,不管是从技术角度还是AI在社会中的影响,把这些文章分享给大家,然后在此基础上展开更广泛的讨论。

The original idea of Long Read Sunday was to take the most interesting big ideas that I had found that week surrounding AI, whether it was from a technology perspective or AI in society, share those writings, and then broaden out the conversation from there.

这个栏目从开始到现在其实有所演变。

It's evolved a bit from when we started.

有时候它会更偏实用导向。

Sometimes it is more oriented, for example, towards the practical.

但每隔一段时间,就会有一篇非常传统意义上那种"大思考"风格的文章,让我特别兴奋地想分享出来,而这周正好就是这种情况。

But every once in a while, There is a good old-fashioned big thinky piece of writing that I get very excited to share, and this week that's exactly what we have.

有一篇文章在AI圈子里传得很广,叫《认知重商主义》(Cognitive Mercantilism)。

There is a piece that has been making its way around AI circles called Cognitive Mercantilism.

作者是作家兼策略师Venkatesh Rao。我注意到这篇文章,是因为看到很多我敬佩其观点的人都在说,他们没想到在AI领域还能看到这么原创、这么发人深省的东西。

It's by writer and strategist Venkatesh Rao, and I caught notice of it when I saw a bunch of people whose perspectives I admire saying how surprised they were to find something so original and thought-provoking around AI.

所以,按照Long Read Sunday的风格,我会朗读这篇文章里几个大段的节选,然后我们一起来讨论。

So, as is the style of Long Read Sunday, I will read some big chunky excerpts from this and then we will discuss it.

另外,有趣的是,我在准备这期节目的时候,让Claude Code在后台生成了一些插图,让正在看视频的观众能看得更带劲。

And for fun, as I'm preparing this, I have Claude Code in the background working through some illustrations to keep it a little bit more interesting for those of you who are watching.

我最近在读Joyce Appleby的《The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism》(《无情的革命:资本主义史》),这本书让我一直在琢磨一个很有意思的想法。

I've been reading Joyce Appleby's The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism, and it has me circling a rather delicious thought.

AI恐慌实际上是一种认知重商主义的表现。

AI panic is really a form of cognitive mercantilism.

如果我们把市场资本主义看作第一种行星级的智能,很多人包括我自己都是这么认为的,那么两者之间的相似之处比你想的要更接近。

If we regard market capitalism as the first planetary intelligence, as many, including me, do, the parallels are closer than you might think.

Appleby的书是一部气势恢宏的资本主义史,从资本主义在近代早期英国出人意料地出现,一直讲到它最终改变了整个世界。

Appleby's book is a sweeping history of capitalism, from its unlikely emergence in early modern England to its eventual transformation of the entire world.

她的核心论点是,资本主义并不是某种永恒的人类交易和积累财富本能的必然产物。

Her central argument is that capitalism was not the inevitable expression of some timeless human instinct to trade and accumulate wealth.

它是在特定历史条件下被创造出来的文化发明,是在农业进步、贸易扩张、以及人们对工作、财富和人性看法的转变中形成的。

It was a historically contingent cultural invention enabled by agricultural improvements, expanding trade, and changing ideas about work, wealth, and human nature.

特别是,它需要摆脱一种更古老的、本质上是零和博弈的世界观。在那个世界观里,财富意味着控制土地、金银,以及大量贫困人口的劳动力。

In particular, it required escaping the assumptions of an older, essentially zero-sum worldview, in which wealth meant controlling land, bullion, and the labor of largely impoverished populations.

当人们开始发现财富可以被创造,而不只是被攫取;普通人可以是需求和主动性的来源,而不只是被当作生产要素来指挥的劳动力时,资本主义就出现了。

Capitalism emerged when people began discovering that wealth could be created, rather than merely captured, and that ordinary people could be sources of demand and initiative, rather than merely labor to be commanded as a factor of production.

这与我们当下的处境相似得令人震撼。

The parallels with our current moment are striking.

按照Appleby的讲述,在资本主义之前的重商主义世界观大致建立在四个相互关联的信念之上:第一,财富从根本上是稀缺且有限的。

As Appleby tells it, the mercantilist worldview that preceded capitalism rested on roughly 4 interlocking beliefs: First, wealth was fundamentally scarce and finite.

财富主要由土地、土地的农业产出,以及土地中蕴含的贵金属构成,通过采矿、贸易和征服来积累。

It consisted primarily of land, the agricultural produce of that land, and the precious metals it contained, accumulated through mining, trade, and conquest.

经济治理的目标是控制更多领土、保持有利的贸易平衡、积累金银。

The goal of economic statecraft was to control more territory, maintain a favorable balance of trade, and accumulate bullion.

大家默认,一个国家的所得就是另一个国家的所失。

One nation's gain was presumed to be another's loss.

由此产生的政治就是寻宝式的、以邻为壑的竞争。

The resulting politics was one of treasure-seeking and beggar-thy-neighbor competition.

第二,不能给普通人太多自由,他们不值得信任。

Second, ordinary people could not be trusted with much freedom.

穷人被认为是不守规矩、无知愚昧的,如果放任自流就容易出乱子。

The poor were assumed to be unruly, ignorant, and prone to disorder if left to their own devices.

他们需要被精英强制统治,据说是为了他们自己的利益,以及社会的稳定。

They needed to be governed coercively by elites, supposedly for their own good, and for the stability of society.

第三,经济思维压倒性地倾向于供给及其控制。

Third, economic thinking was overwhelmingly oriented towards supply and its control.

财富来自于控制生产资源,并对其产出索取高价。

Wealth came from controlling productive resources and commanding high prices for their output.

总需求,尤其是穷人的需求,几乎不被认为是重要的经济力量。

Aggregate demand, especially demand from the poor, was barely recognized as a significant economic force.

普通人主要是生产要素。他们吃饭、干活、繁衍,但不分享任何剩余。

Ordinary people were primarily factors of production. They ate, worked, and reproduced, with no share of any surplus.

唯一真正有自由支配权的消费者是精英,他们购买奢侈品并掌控所有剩余。

The only real discretionary consumers were elites, who bought luxuries and commanded all surplus.

第四,几乎没有理由去想象大多数人做农业劳动以外的事。

Fourth, there was little reason to imagine most people doing anything other than agricultural labor.

如果大约80%的人口从事低效的自给自足的农业,那只是自然的秩序。

If something like 80% of the population was engaged in inefficient subsistence farming, that was simply the natural order of things.

他们还有什么用?

What else were they good for?

把他们从田里移开,你只会得到数百万张需要喂养的无用的嘴。

Remove them from the fields and you would merely have millions of useless mouths to feed.

现在用智力取代财富,用认知重商主义取代重商主义。

Now replace wealth with intelligence, and mercantilism with cognitive mercantilism.

这些相似之处直接得几乎令人尴尬。

The parallels are almost embarrassingly direct.

第一,智力被想象成一种固定资源,体现在人类大脑以及从大脑中开采出的知识产品中。

First, intelligence is imagined as a fixed resource, embodied in human brains and the knowledge products mined from them.

国家和企业战略的目标变成了吸引最优秀的人才,控制他们的产出,积累知识产权,并保持有利的知识贸易平衡。

The objective of national and corporate strategy becomes attracting the best brains, controlling their output, accumulating intellectual property, and maintaining a favourable balance of knowledge trade.

认知重商主义者想要像囤积金条一样囤积智力及其产品。

The cognitive mercantilist wants to hoard intelligence and its products like bullion.

全球人才竞争变成了一场寻宝,寻找天才大脑以及他们能产出的有价值的知识物种,现在除了可版权的文化和可专利的发明,还包括AI。

The global competition for talent becomes a treasure hunt for genius brains and the valuable knowledge species they can produce, which now includes AIs in addition to copyrightable culture and patentable inventions.

第二,被认为愚蠢的人不能被信任自行思考。

Second, supposedly stupid people cannot be trusted to think for themselves.

他们需要由认知精英统治,这些精英更懂,必须为了不那么聪明的人的利益而规范他们的行为。

They need to be governed by cognitive elites, who know better and must regulate the behavior of the less intelligent for their own good.

智能民主化是危险的,因为大众会滥用它,相信胡说八道,或引发混乱。

Democratizing intelligence is dangerous because the masses will misuse it, fall for nonsense, or unleash chaos.

这种假设认为,智能只有掌握在那些已经被认证拥有它的人手中才安全。

The assumption is that intelligence is safe only in the hands of those already certified to possess it.

第三,智能的供给被视为核心经济事实。

Third, the supply of intelligence is treated as the central economic fact.

控制其生产,保持其稀缺性,以及为大脑和知识产品(包括AI)维持高价,是主要关注点。

Controlling its production, preserving its scarcity, and maintaining high prices for brains and knowledge products, including AIs, are the primary concerns.

需求方几乎不被考虑。

The demand side barely registers.

不那么聪明的人被视为有限的认知劳动者和精英选择提供的任何知识产品的被动消费者。

Less intelligent people are regarded as limited cognitive laborers and passive consumers of whatever knowledge products elites choose to provide.

他们本身不被想象为智能需求的重要来源,更不用说作为进一步生产的参与者了。

They are not imagined as significant sources of demand for intelligence in their own right, let alone as participants in its further production.

第四,认知重商主义者假设大多数人在智力上没有多大用处。

Fourth, the cognitive mercantilist assumes that most people are not good for much intellectually.

如果80%的人类从事低级的认知劳动,或者只是浑浑噩噩过日子,根本不产生多少智能,那是不幸的,但也是自然的。

If 80% of humanity is occupied in low-grade cognitive labor, or simply muddling along without producing much intelligence at all, that is unfortunate, but natural.

自动化他们的认知工作只会威胁到创造数十亿个需要安置的无用的头脑。

Automating their cognitive work merely threatens to create billions of useless minds to occupy.

最后一个假设是类比变得特别有趣的地方。

This last assumption is where the analogy gets especially interesting.

帮助启动资本主义的农业革命开始颠覆人类大多数从事农业的表面必要性。

The agricultural revolution that helped launch capitalism began overturning the apparent necessity of having most of humanity engaged in farming.

在接下来的几个世纪里,农业生产力的提高使得在发达经济体中,需要从事粮食生产的人口比例从绝大多数减少到极少数。

Over the following centuries, improvements in agricultural productivity reduced the fraction of the population required to produce food from a large majority to a tiny minority in advanced economies.

结果并不是一个充满无用之口的世界。

The result was not a world full of useless mouths.

而是一个更多的人可以从事农业以外的事情,同时享有更多食物的世界。

It was a world in which vastly more people could do things other than farm, while enjoying access to vastly more food.

我不会种地。

I don't know how to farm.

我连家里的盆栽都养不活。

I can barely keep a houseplant alive.

然而,我能获得种类惊人的食物,数量之多,对早期现代的农民来说简直是天方夜谭。

Yet I can obtain an astonishing variety of foods, in quantities that would have seemed fantastical to an early modern peasant.

我不会生产食物,这在经济上几乎无关紧要。

My inability to produce food is economically almost irrelevant.

重要的是我能消费它、享受它、培养对它的品味,并把精力投入到其他事情上。

What matters is that I can consume it, enjoy it, develop taste for it, and devote my energies to other things.

人工智能带来的类似可能性是,大多数人将不再需要成为智力的重要生产者,才能成为其重要的消费者。

The analogous possibility with AI is that most people will no longer need to be significant producers of intelligence in order to become significant consumers of it.

而正是在这里,认知重商主义开始变得和其17世纪的前身一样过时。

And this is where cognitive mercantilism begins to look as quaint as its 17th-century predecessor.

现在,在这一点上——这是NLW再次插话——我想回去参考一个很久以前做的节目,那是在五月份。

Now, at this point— and this is NLW cutting in again— I want to go back and reference an episode I did a long time ago, all the way back in May.

那期节目叫《AI将创造的新工作》。

The episode was called The New Jobs AI Will Create.

网上还有一个配套的体验,我试图展示的并不是我确切认为AI会创造哪些工作,而是超越那个陈词滥调——当然AI会创造新工作,这是我们所有乐观主义者的想法——而是真正尝试识别一些可能出现的工作类型或类别。

There's still a companion experience available online, and it was my attempt to show not precisely exactly what jobs I think AI will create, but to go beyond the tired trope that of course AI will create new jobs, which is what all of us optimists think, and instead try to actually identify some types of jobs or categories of jobs that might result.

我论证的一个重要部分是,贯穿许多关于AI失业思考的劳动总量谬误——认为工作只有那么多,如果机器做了,人类就没得做——还有一个相互关联的部分,即假设需求没有弹性——我们现在的需求已经达到了极限。

One of the big parts of my argument was that the lump of labour fallacy that runs through so much of thinking about AI job loss— that there's only so much work to be done, and if machines do it, humans won't be able to do it— has another interconnected piece, which is an assumption that there is no elasticity of demand— that we demand as much right now as we could ever demand.

我的主要观点是,这种想法很疯狂,而且从人类进化史来看完全违背历史。

My main point is that that is crazy and completely ahistorical when it comes to human evolution.

相反,我相信我们增加需求的能力几乎是无止境的。

Instead, I believe that our capacity to increase our demands is nigh limitless.

事实上,在某些方面,它只受物理力和普遍规律的限制,比如一天有多少时间,以及我们能摄入多少卡路里而不至于爆掉。

In fact, in some ways it is constrained only by physical forces and universal laws, like how much time there is in a day, and how many calories we can consume without bursting.

我现在不打算深入探讨,但在那期节目中,我讨论了需求弹性的六个不同维度。

I won't go too deep into it now, but in that episode I discussed demand elasticity across 6 different dimensions.

价格弹性:我想要,但太贵了。

Price elasticity: I wanted it, but it cost too much.

获取弹性:我想要,但得不到。

Access elasticity: I wanted it, but I couldn't get it.

复杂性弹性:我需要,但系统太混乱了。

Complexity elasticity: I needed it, but the system was too confusing.

连续性弹性:我偶尔得到帮助,但持续的帮助对我更有益。

Continuity elasticity: I get help occasionally, but I'd benefit from help all the time.

个性化弹性:我得到的是通用版本,但我会珍视为我定制的东西。

Personalization elasticity: I get the generic version, but I'd value something made for me.

关系弹性:我希望这更人性化、更有意义、更值得信赖。

And relational elasticity: I want this to be more human, meaningful, and trusted.

所有这些都是AI可能改变系统、从而解锁更多需求的不同方式。

All of these are different ways in which AI could change systems that result in more demand becoming unlocked.

好的,带着这个想法,让我们回到Venkatesh文章的下一个部分,《欲望的革命》。

Okay, so with that in mind, let's come back to the next section of Venkatesh's piece, The Revolution in Desire.

他继续写道:Appleby叙述中最吸引人的元素之一,是她强调英国出现了新的需求类型。

He continues: One of the more fascinating elements of Appleby's account is her emphasis on the emergence of new kinds of demand in Britain.

在熟悉的蒸汽机、工厂和工业资本主义的故事真正开始之前。

Well before the familiar story of steam engines, factories, and industrial capitalism really gets going.

随着国际贸易的扩大,普通英国人开始对以前只有富人才能享用的奢侈品产生兴趣。

As international trade expanded, ordinary Britons began developing tastes for goods that had previously been luxuries reserved for the wealthy.

烟草、茶叶、糖和五颜六色的印度棉布是帮助创造新消费文化的商品之一。

tobacco, tea, sugar, and colourful Indian cottons were among the commodities that helped create a new consumer culture.

人们开始想要一些既不是生存必需品,也不是传统贵族地位标志的东西,并且他们愿意自愿地更努力工作来获得它们。

People began wanting things that were neither necessities of subsistence nor traditional markers of aristocratic status, and they were willing to voluntarily work harder to get them.

Appleby描述了在工业革命之前,每年工作天数从大约250天增加到300天的惊人增长。

Appleby describes a striking increase in the number of days worked annually, from something like 250 to 300, before the Industrial Revolution.

这不仅仅是地主或工厂主强迫不情愿的工人付出更多劳动的问题。

This was not simply a matter of landlords or factory owners coercing more labor out of unwilling workers.

增长中很大一部分是自愿的,是由获得理想商品的前景所驱动的。

A significant part of the increase was voluntary, driven by the prospect of acquiring desirable goods.

人们工作更多天数,采用更高产的农业实践,进入新的行业,并寻求赚取更多现金收入的机会。

People worked more days, adopted more productive agricultural practices, entered new trades, and sought opportunities for earning larger cash incomes.

生产力的提高产生了剩余收入,这些收入维持了消费品需求的增长,而消费品需求的增长反过来又激励了生产力的进一步提高。

The increase in productivity generated surplus incomes, which sustained the expanding demand for consumer goods, which in turn incentivized further increases in productivity.

一个良性循环正在形成。

A virtuous cycle was taking shape.

再往前看一点,他继续说:这里有一个重要的历史反转。

Zooming forward a bit, he continues: There is an important historical inversion here.

我们习惯于主要从反抗剥削的角度来思考劳工政治——即摆脱奴役、胁迫以及所有者榨取剩余价值的斗争。

We are accustomed to thinking of the politics of labor primarily in terms of resistance to exploitation— the struggle to escape servitude, coercion, and the extraction of surplus by owners.

那当然是故事的一部分,而且是非常重要的一部分。

That is certainly part of the story, and a very important part.

但Appleby的描述表明,另一种同样根本的力量在起作用:那就是参与不断扩大的消费机会世界的愿望。

But Appleby's account suggests that another, equally fundamental force was at work: the desire to participate in an expanding universe of consumption opportunities.

现代劳工政治可以部分理解为在一个可能性不断扩大的社会中相对剥夺的政治。

Modern labor politics can be understood partly as the politics of relative deprivation in a society of expanding possibilities.

一旦人们发现除了生存之外还有令人向往的东西,并且他们的劳动可以让他们获得这些东西,政治问题就改变了。

Once people discover that there are desirable things beyond subsistence, and that their labor can earn them access to those things, the political question changes.

它不再仅仅是关于如何摆脱支配,而是关于如何确保公平分享不断增长的剩余价值及其带来的机会。

It is no longer merely how to escape domination, but how to secure a fair share of the growing surplus and the opportunities it makes available.

这是一种对自由的不同诉求——不仅仅是摆脱胁迫的自由,而是参与经济生活不断扩大的可能性的自由。

This is a different kind of demand for freedom— not merely freedom from coercion, but freedom to participate in the expanding possibilities of economic life.

要求公平分享不断扩大的消费机会,可以说是资本主义标志性的政治发明之一,而这比我们熟悉的自动化取代工作的故事,是一个更有趣的思考人工智能转型的模型。

The demand for a fair share of expanding consumption opportunities is arguably one of the defining political inventions of capitalism, and this is a much more interesting model for thinking about the AI transition than the familiar story of automation replacing jobs.

到了这个阶段,问题不再是公司是否在积极使用人工智能。

At this point, it's no longer a question of whether companies are actively using AI.

另一方面,能否用好它,则完全是另一回事了。

Using it well, on the other hand, is a whole different story.
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认知勤劳革命。

The Cognitive Industrious Revolution.

整个智力经济体系都是围绕这样一个假设组织起来的:智力生产的成本很高,因此必须仔细配给。

The entire intellectual economy has been organized around the assumption that intelligence is expensive to produce, therefore must be carefully rationed.

教育、专业知识、研究、咨询、软件开发以及更广泛的知识工作,都受到认知生产高成本的塑造。

Education, professional expertise, research, consulting, software development, and knowledge work more generally are all shaped by the high cost of cognitive production.

人工智能正在迅速削弱这个假设。

AI is rapidly undermining that assumption.

我们正在走向这样一个世界:一个普通人可以支配的数量和种类的智力,以前需要由训练有素的专家团队才能提供。

We are moving toward a world in which an ordinary person can command quantities and varieties of intelligence that would have previously required teams of highly trained specialists.

就像我不用知道如何种田就能享用食物一样,我越来越不用知道如何自己生产智力产品就能享受它们。

Just as I can enjoy food without knowing how to farm, I can increasingly enjoy the products of intelligence without knowing how to produce them myself.

那么关键的经济问题就不再是人们能生产多少智力,而是人们能为多少智力找到用途。

The crucial economic question then becomes not how much intelligence people can produce, but how much intelligence they can find uses for.

而且这种需求没有明显的上限。

And there is no obvious upper bound on that demand.

这不仅仅是每个人都消费更多的答案、报告、软件或娱乐的问题。

This is not simply a matter of everyone consuming more answers, reports, software, or entertainment.

丰富的智力首先改变了人们可能想要什么。

Abundant intelligence changes what people can want in the first place.

它让以前无法想象的项目变得可行,以前无法进入的领域变得可探索,以前负担不起的好奇心变得值得追求。

It makes previously unimaginable projects feasible, previously inaccessible domains explorable, and previously unaffordable curiosities worth pursuing.

对智力的需求不是一种等着被满足的固定胃口——它本身会随着满足它的成本下降而增长。

The demand for intelligence is not a fixed appetite waiting to be satisfied— it is, itself, something that can grow as the cost of satisfying it falls.

这里,与早期现代消费革命的类比变得特别有启发性。

Here the analogy with the early modern consumer revolution becomes especially suggestive.

就像色彩鲜艳的印度棉布和进口烟草激发了新的欲望,新的欲望又催生了更多的自愿劳动和更高产的工作形式一样,丰富的智能可能会激发新一轮的自愿认知努力。

Just as colorful Indian cottons and imported tobacco stimulated new desires, and new desires stimulated greater voluntary labor and more productive forms of work, abundant intelligence may stimulate a new wave of voluntary cognitive effort.

并且开辟出新的方式,让你能更努力地工作。

And open up new ways in which you can work harder.

很多看起来不聪明的人并不是没有思考能力,他们只是没有特别强的动力去思考,因为他们能获得的回报太差了。

Many people who appear stupid are not incapable of thought— they're simply not particularly motivated to think, given the poor returns available to them.

如果你缺乏知识、工具、制度渠道或智力杠杆,无法让思考成果产生任何有趣的结果,那又何必费那么大的认知劲儿呢?

Why expend significant cognitive efforts when you lack the knowledge, tools, institutional access, or intellectual leverage to do anything interesting with the results?

丰富的AI改变了这种计算。

Abundant AI changes that calculation.

一个之前没什么理由去深入思考某个问题的人,可能会突然发现,投入一点点注意力就能解锁巨大的可能性。

Someone who previously had little reason to think hard about a problem may suddenly discover that a modest investment of attention unlocks enormous possibilities.

他们可以搭建东西、研究东西、理解东西,或者追求以前遥不可及的抱负。

They can build something, investigate something, understand something, or pursue an ambition that was previously out of reach.

注意力的回报提高了,随之而来的,是投入注意力的动力也增强了。

The returns on attention rise, and with them, the incentive to pay attention.

而在这里,Venkatesh 提供了一种与我们之前所见不同的解释,来说明为什么感觉AI并没有让我们工作得更少,反而让我们工作得更多。

And here Venkatesh offers a different explanation than we've seen for why it feels like AI is not making us work less, but making us work more.

嗯,关于这个,我也给出过一种解释,我提出了一个概念叫“无限制待办清单”,就是说在工作中,总有一堆基本上永无止境的任务,一直延伸到未来。

Now, this is something that I've also offered an explanation for, talking about a concept I have of the infinite backlog, the idea that at work, there is always a basically never-ending set of work to be done that runs off infinitely into the future.

这个无限制待办清单之所以没有压垮我们,是因为我们能做的工作量有自然限制,所以我们基本上一直在校准,到底这个清单上的哪些事情是合适的、可以承担并完成的。

The reason that the infinite backlog doesn't overwhelm us is that because there are natural limits to the amount of work we can do, we're basically constantly calibrating what is an appropriate amount of that backlog to have taken on and gotten accomplished.

“完成”并不是某种固定的自然状态。

Done is not some fixed natural state.

它是你根据自己的目标或者你老板的目标,与你自己的无限制待办清单进行协商的结果。

It's a negotiation with your own infinite backlog based on your own goals or those of your employer.

我提出AI,特别是智能体,会打破这种模式的原因是,当你理论上可以无限复制自己,而这些无限的分身可以并行工作、永不停歇,不需要睡觉、吃饭或者分心,那么突然之间,似乎就没有一个合适的“完成”状态了。

The reason I posited that AI and specifically agents break that paradigm is that when you can replicate yourself theoretically an infinite number of times, and those infinite replicas can work in parallel and non-stop without ever having to sleep or eat or otherwise get distracted, it feels like all of a sudden there is no longer an appropriate done.

整个无限制待办清单都变得可以解锁了,唯一的限制就是你能不能先想象出那个清单上都有什么。

The entirety of the infinite backlog becomes unlockable, and the only constraint is your ability to imagine what is on that backlog in the first place.

当然,因为这是我的想法,所以我觉得它确实有道理。

Now obviously, as this was my idea, I think there is something to it.

但在很多方面,它也只处理了AI让我们工作更多带来的焦虑那一面。

But it's still in many ways only dealing with the anxiety side of AI making us work more.

我相信你们很多人也体会过相反的一面,那就是兴奋。

And many of you, I am sure, will have felt the opposite to that, which is the excitement.

就是那种“我根本睡不着觉,因为我就想再多做一个东西”的AI带来的感觉。

The I can't make myself go to sleep because I just want to build one more thing side of AI.

而Venkatesh在这里说的正是这个。

And that's what Venkatesh is talking about here.

他接着说:早期资本主义的工人自愿把年工作日从250天增加到300天,因为一个新世界的可欲商品变得触手可及。

He continues, The early capitalist worker voluntarily increased annual working days from 250 to 300 because a new universe of desirable goods had become accessible.

拥有AI能力的思考者可能也会类似地增加他们自愿投入的认知努力,因为一个全新的知识消费世界变得触手可及了。

The AI-enabled thinker may similarly increase the amount of voluntary cognitive effort they expend because a new universe of intellectual consumption has become accessible.

至少对我来说,情况确实如此。

This has certainly been the case with me.

我甚至比一年前都更愿意更努力地工作,因为突然之间能做的东西多太多了。

I'm suddenly willing to work significantly harder compared to even a year ago because a lot more is suddenly within reach.

我们可以称之为一场认知勤勉革命,它走在更全面的AI工业革命前面,甚至可能为后者铺平道路。

We might call this a cognitive industrious revolution, preceding and perhaps enabling a fuller AI industrial revolution.

这并不意味着智力作为人类能力就不再重要了。

This does not mean that intelligence becomes irrelevant as a human capacity.

恰恰相反:就像丰富的食物催生了精深的烹饪文化,而不是消除了人们对烹饪的兴趣,丰富的智能也可能会激发越来越复杂的思考文化。

Quite the opposite: just as abundant food supported the emergence of elaborate culinary cultures, rather than eliminating interest in cooking, abundant intelligence may stimulate increasingly sophisticated cultures of thought.

人们可能会变得在智力上更有抱负,正是因为他们不再需要自己完成所有的认知生产。

People may become more intellectually ambitious precisely because they no longer have to do all the cognitive production themselves.

如果真发生这种情况,AI的政治格局可能会以类似于工业资本主义政治格局的方式演变:核心的政治诉求可能不再是保住现有的认知工作岗位,就像工业劳动时代,长久的政治诉求并不是保住农业就业一样。

And if this happens, the politics of AI will likely evolve in a manner analogous to the politics of industrial capitalism: the central political demand may not be for the preservation of existing cognitive jobs, any more than the enduring political demand of industrial labor was for the preservation of agricultural employment.

它反而可能变成一种需求,要求公平分享不断扩大的认知消费机会。

It may instead become a demand for a fair share of expanding cognitive consumption opportunities.

获取智能、指挥智能的能力、用它来追求项目的自由,以及参与一个日益智能丰富的经济所需的制度性权利,可能会成为新型劳工政治的基础。

Access to intelligence, the ability to command it, the freedom to pursue projects with it, and the institutional rights necessary to participate in an increasingly intelligence-rich economy may become the foundations of a new kind of labor politics.

这将是认知充裕型而非认知稀缺型的劳工政治。

This would be the labor politics of cognitive abundance rather than cognitive scarcity.

接着,Venkatesh 又引入了一个重要的类比,把重商主义和马尔萨斯主义作比较。

From there, Venkatesh gets into another important analogy, comparing mercantilism to Malthusianism.

他指出,虽然它们不是同一套学说,历史上也属于不同的思想时期,但它们有一个家族相似性,就是倾向于认为人类经济生活根本上受限于固定的资源。

He notes that while they are not the same doctrine and historically belong to different intellectual moments, they share a family resemblance in their tendency to imagine human economic life as fundamentally constrained by fixed resources.

他接着说,重商主义者担心如何控制有限的财富存量。

The mercantilist, he continues, worries about controlling a finite stock of wealth.

马尔萨斯主义者担心人口增长必然会超过经济的生产能力。

The Malthusian worries that population growth will inevitably outrun the productive capacity of the economy.

让大多数人只能勉强度日。

Condemning most people to subsistence.

两者都很难想象一个技术创新和不断扩大的需求从根本上改变了人口、生产和消费之间关系的世界。

Both have difficulty imagining a world in which technological innovation and expanding demand fundamentally transform the relationship between population, production, and consumption.

我们现在可以在当代AI讨论中看到一种类似的倾向:AI马尔萨斯主义。

We can now identify an analogous tendency in contemporary AI discourse: AI Malthusianism.

AI马尔萨斯主义者想象,智力生产会扩张得如此之快,以至于人类在经济上变得多余,而多余的智能必然会在某种程度上变得有害。

The AI Malthusian imagines that intellectual production will expand so rapidly that human beings will become economically redundant, and the surplus intelligence will necessarily turn toxic in some way.

这是对经典马尔萨斯主义的一种奇特反转。

This is a peculiar inversion of classical Malthusianism.

不是人口超过生存资料的供应,而是智能的供应超过了人类大脑据称固定的吸收能力。

Instead of population outrunning the supply of subsistence, the supply of intelligence outruns the supposedly fixed capacity of human minds to absorb it.

结果是同样悲观的结论:崩溃。

The result is the same gloomy conclusion: collapse.

认知重商主义者害怕失去对稀缺智能的控制。

The cognitive mercantilist fears losing control of scarce intelligence.

AI马尔萨斯主义者害怕智能充裕的后果。

The AI Malthusian fears the consequence of abundant intelligence.

两者都以不同的方式假设,对智能的需求从根本上来说是有限的。

Both assume, in different ways, that the demand for intelligence is fundamentally limited.

但如果这种需求和物质商品的需求一样具有弹性、创造性和历史变革性呢?

But what if that demand is as elastic, inventive, and historically transformative as the demand for material goods turned out to be?

如果人类大脑的明显过剩只是因为我们无法想象在一个智能丰富的世界里人们想做什么呢?

What if the apparent surplus of human minds is an artifact of our inability to imagine what people might want to do in an intelligence-rich world?

资本主义的历史表明,这至少是一个值得认真考虑的可能性。

The history of capitalism suggests that this is at least a possibility worth taking seriously.

AI的需求侧。

The demand side of AI.

这个论证还有一个更激进的延伸。

There is also a more radical extension of the argument.

资本主义的历史表明,这至少是一个值得认真考虑的可能性。

The history of capitalism suggests that this is at least a possibility worth taking seriously.

接着,Venkatesh 更进一步,进行了一些未来的探索。

Now, from there, Venkatesh goes even farther into some future explorations.

他基本上在探索一种可能性:如果AI不仅仅是供给侧技术,同时也是创造需求的技术,会发生什么。

He basically explores the possibility of what happens if AI is not solely a supply-side technology, but also one which produces demand.

老实说,这一节值得单独写一篇完整的论文,因为我觉得Venkatesh想表达的不是AI因为某种方式发展出意识而创造需求,而是因为它们设计的以及围绕它们构建的系统,为更多的智能消费和需求创造了途径和需要。

Now, this section frankly deserves an entire second essay, because my sense is that Venkatesh is trying to articulate not AIs producing demand because they have somehow developed consciousness, but because the systems they architect and get architected around them create pathways and needs for more intelligence consumption and demand.

正如他所说,虽然没有进一步解释,许多产品和服务之所以存在,主要是因为市场有需求,而人类只是次要的消费者。

As he puts it, although without explaining too much farther, Many products and services exist primarily because the market demands it, with humans being secondary consumers.

Venkatesh的最后一部分标题是“重商主义不是为商人服务的”。

Venkatesh's final section is called Mercantilism Was Not for Merchants.

他写道,这个历史先例中的一个讽刺是,重商主义既不是商人的哲学,也不是由商人创立的,更不是为了商人服务的。

An irony, he writes, in the historical precedent is that mercantilism was not a philosophy of, by, or for merchants.

它主要是军国主义政治家、贵族和食利精英的哲学,他们从领土权力、不劳而获的特权和积累的角度来看待商业。

It was largely a philosophy of militaristic statesmen, aristocrats, and rentier elites who viewed commerce through the lens of territorial power, unearned privileges, and accumulation.

实际的商人、企业家和创新者常常发现当时主流政治想象力几乎无法理解的可能性,并稳步对抗重商主义的自我限制倾向,从而催生了我们所理解的资本主义。

Actual merchants, entrepreneurs, and innovators were often discovering possibilities that the prevailing political imagination could barely comprehend, and steadily fought the self-limiting tendencies of mercantilism, giving birth to capitalism as we understand it.

今天的认知重商主义者与智能的关系也类似,首先,他们中的大多数人并不是AI的商人。

Today's cognitive mercantilists have a similar relationship with intelligence, starting with the fact that most of them are not the merchants of AI.

即使是AI领域的商业领袖,其行为也像认知重商主义者一样,这直接与他们渴望不仅仅做商人的程度成正比。

Even business leaders of the AI sector are behaving like cognitive mercantilists in direct proportion to their desire to be more than mere merchants.

在政治光谱的两端,许多精英仍然固守着这样的观念:智能是一种稀缺、危险的资源,必须由有资质的监护人管理,保持昂贵,直接或间接用于征服和财富,并且不让对手获得。

Across the political spectrum, many elites remain attached to the idea that intelligence is a scarce, dangerous resource that must be managed by credentialed custodians, kept expensive, used directly or indirectly for conquest and treasure, and denied to rivals.

在AI行业中,CEO们的精英政治和文化冒险行为,如果扭曲了实际风险所证明合理的行为,那么这种倾向就是重商主义而非资本主义。

In the AI industry, to the extent elite political and cultural adventuring by CEOs distorts behaviours that are justified by the actual risks, it is mercantilist rather than capitalist.

因此,智能民主化富足的前景——以全球扩散、开放权重等形式——主要被视为对专业知识、文化和政治权威、地位、社会秩序、军事主导权和地缘政治影响力的威胁。

The prospect of its democratic abundance— in the form of global diffusion, open weights, and such— is therefore experienced primarily as a threat to expertise, cultural and political authority, status, social order, military dominance, and geopolitical leverage.

被忽视的是,我们可能正在见证一场深刻的转型的开端,就像从以农业为主的社会转向工业和商业社会一样,从一个80%的人类大脑忙于生存认知的世界,转变为一个95%的大脑忙于满足以前无法满足的认知需求的世界。

What gets missed is the possibility that we are witnessing the beginning of a transition as profound as the one from an overwhelmingly agricultural society to an industrial and commercial one, from a world where 80% of human brains are engaged in subsistence cognition to one in which 95% are engaged in satisfying previously unfulfillable cognitive demands.

农业革命最重要的结果并不是农业变得更高效。

The most important consequence of the agricultural revolution was not that farming became more efficient.

而是大多数人从务农的必要性中解放出来,从而诞生了全新的经济和文化生活。

It was that most people were liberated from the necessity of farming, allowing entirely new kinds of economic and cultural life to emerge.

同样,AI革命最重要的结果可能不是智能生产变得更高效。

Likewise, the most important consequence of the AI revolution may not be that intelligence production becomes more efficient.

而可能是大多数心智——无论是人类还是人工智能——从仅为生存而生产智能的必要性中解放出来,得以自由探索它们真正想用智能做什么。

It may be that most minds, human and artificial, are liberated from the necessity of producing intelligence merely to survive, and become free to discover what they actually want to do with it.

认知重商主义者看到一个受到智能供应过剩和无用心智即将过剩威胁的世界。

The cognitive mercantilist sees a world threatened by an oversupply of intelligence and an impending surplus of useless minds.

AI马尔萨斯主义者看到一个智能超越人类吸收能力的世界,留下越来越多经济上多余的心智,随时准备引发革命性爆发。

The AI Malthusian sees a world in which intelligence outruns the capacity of humanity to absorb it, leaving a growing population of economically redundant minds primed for revolutionary explosions.

认知资本主义者看到了需求几乎无限扩张的可能性,以及一个充满潜在能力尚未被发掘的心智的世界。

The cognitive capitalist sees the possibility of an almost limitless expansion of demand and a world full of minds whose potential has barely begun to be explored.

所以这就是文章的结尾。

So that is the end of the essay.

希望你能理解为什么我这么兴奋地分享它。

And hopefully you can see why I was excited to share it.

即使你们中有人正在愤怒地记下不同意的观点,我猜至少有一部分你,会因被激发如此深入的思考而感到兴奋。

Even for those of you who are furiously scribbling down things that you disagree with, my guess is that there is at least a piece of you who is excited to be prompted to think this deeply.

有趣的是,在这点上,这篇文章在某种程度上不仅描述了它的观点,也在论证它的观点。

And in that, interestingly, the essay is in a way not only describing its point but also making its point.

像这样引人入胜的思想体系会激发回应。

Interesting bodies of thought like this provoke responses.

它们鼓励我们被吸引进去,用大脑去想象超越我们如何回复工作备忘录或回答学校问题的事情。

They encourage us to get pulled in and use our brains to imagine things that go beyond how we respond to the memo at work or how we answer the question at school.

而是让我们的思绪在认知的虚空中漫游,探索那些我们尚未有上下文穿越的模糊、朦胧的地方。

And instead let our minds roam out into the cognitive ether, exploring fuzzy, foggy places which we haven't yet had context to traverse.

本尼迪克特·埃文斯提出的问题是:大多数人没有花时间去穿越这些领域,是因为他们没有能力或兴趣,还是因为之前没有足够的剩余给他们提供时间和理由去做这件事。

The question that Benedict Evans proposes is whether the reason most people don't take the time to traverse those areas is because they don't have the capacity or the interest to, or because the surplus required to give them the time and justification to do so hasn't previously been available.

他得出的乐观答案显然是:他相信可能是后者。

The optimistic answer that he comes to is clearly that he believes that it might be the latter.

而一个更多人去探索那些模糊朦胧领域的世界,是一个需求大幅增长的世界,那个时代的主要状态不是被替代,而是被允许成为探索者。

And a world in which more people are off exploring those fuzzy, foggy areas is one with greatly increased demand, where the main condition of the time is not of having been replaced, but of having been allowed to become explorers.

现在,我想说明的是,我不认为这些内容是对任何特定AI安全考量的直接论证或回应,至少在本文的这个版本中不是。

Now, I want to make clear that I don't believe that any of this is a direct argument or response for or against any particular AI safety consideration, at least not in this version of the essay.

换句话说,我不认为对他描述的这种可能性感到兴奋甚至乐观,与同时担心人工智能正在做以前由我们大脑完成的大量工作的过渡期,这两者之间是互斥的。

In other words, I don't think that there's any mutual exclusivity between being excited and even optimistic about this possibility that he's describing, while also being concerned about the transitional period where artificial intelligences are doing a bunch of the work that was previously the job of our brains.

秩序之间的转换,即使最终秩序是好的,也从来不是没有代价的。

Transitions between orders, even if the order that results is a good one, are never without cost.

但如果我们的回应是试图应对转型的挑战,而不是试图阻止转型发生,那情况就大不相同了。

But it looks quite different if our response is to try to deal with the challenges of the transition rather than to try to stop the transition from happening.

总之,有很多值得思考的东西。

Anyways, a lot to chew on.

我就此打住。

I will close it there.

希望你喜欢这篇内容。

Hopefully you've enjoyed this piece.

我当然会在节目笔记中附上原文。

I will of course include show notes to the original.

你应该去读一下。

You should go read it.

我并没有读完整篇。

I did not read the entire thing.

而且绝对值得花时间。

And it is absolutely worth the time.

今天的AI Daily Brief就到这里。

For now, that is going to do it for today's AI Daily Brief.

一如既往感谢你的收听或观看。

Appreciate you listening or watching as always.

下次再见,祝你平安。

And until next time, peace.
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All right, friends, quick announcements before we dive in.

First of all, thank you to today's sponsors: Robots and Pencils, CData, Granola, and Blitzy.

To get an ad-free version of the show, go to patreon.com/AIDailyBrief, or you can subscribe on Apple Podcasts.

And if you want to learn more about sponsoring the show, send us a note at [email protected].

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Robots and Pencils, though, is a company that I can point to that is actually built for this time.

They're an applied AI engineering firm working directly with clients on problems that matter to the business, not experiments that live in a slide deck.

Every engagement starts by working backwards from the outcome a client actually needs.

If you're trying to tell real AI engineering apart from noise in this space, that's the difference maker.

Head to robotsandpencils.com.

This episode is brought to you by CData.

Token spend is climbing, security is holding agents back, and companies rolling out AI initiatives might not know how it's truly being used.

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Accurate answers at a fraction of the token cost, with a context engine that learns your business with every interaction.

Built on the connectivity layer powering Palantir, Google, Salesforce, and hundreds more.

Give it a try and start your free trial at cdata.ai.

That's C as in connect, data.ai.

You're in back-to-back meetings all day, you're trying to stay present, but you're also worried you'll forget the decision, the action item, the important next step.

This is a scenario that we absolutely live here at the AI Daily Brief, given how fast things move and change and how quickly we're evolving everything that we do.

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Granola is an AI-powered notepad for meetings.

You jot down rough notes like you always do, and in the background, Granola transcribes and turns them into clear, useful notes when the meeting ends.

No bots joining your calls, no distractions, just a clean notepad that helps you focus.

During or after the call, you can chat with your notes, ask Granola to pull out action items, help you negotiate, write a follow-up email, or even coach you using recipes, which are pre-made prompts.

Once you try it on a first meeting, it is very hard to go without.

Head to granola.ai/AIDaily and use code AIDaily to get 100% off for 3 months for new users.

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Every AI coding tool on the market does the same thing first: it starts writing code.

Blitzy does the opposite.

Before writing a single line, Blitzy spends days reverse engineering your entire codebase.

Thousands of agents ingest millions of lines, mapping every dependency, every undocumented constraint, every architectural decision made over the last decade.

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Other tools guess at context with grep searches and markdown files.

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